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Arm The Spirit
Arm The Spirit #14/15 - August-December 1992
Index:
1) Editorial: "We're Still Here"
2) Some Useful Information
3) Ad Rates (For The Hard Copy Version)
4) War In Kurdistan
5) Interview With PKK General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan
6) ERNK European Representatives' Statement
7) ETA Militants Arrested In Uruguay
8) Palestinian Deportation Case Tests Immigration Law
9) Power Poles Sabotaged In Vermont
10) Better Late Than Never
11) Asylum Bill Demonstration In England
12) Workers Riot In Japan
13) News In Brief...
14) Rostock And Its Aftermath
15) Three Greek Militants Arrested
16) "500 Years Of Rape And Hate - We Refuse To Celebrate" -
International Tribunal Of Indigenous Peoples And Oppressed
Nations In The USA
17) Anti-Columbus Actions In Latin America
18) Message From German Political Prisoners To The Tribunal
19) Interview With Dr. Luis Nieves Falcon - Co-ordinator Of
Ofensiva '92
20) Puerto Rican News Shorts
21) Imperialist Peace Is War! - Excerpt From The Wotta Sitta
Document "Imperialist Peace Is War"
22) Free Sundiata Acoli!
23) Interview With Abdul Majid - Black Liberation Army Political
Prisoner
24) New York 3 Update
25) To Do What Is Possible, Rather Than What Is Permitted
26) Shawnee Unit - A Control Unit For Women
27) Resistance At F.C.I. Lexington
28) Geronimo Ji Jaga (Pratt)
29) "We Embrace Death With Weapons In Our Hands And Slogans On
Our Lips" - The Last Words
30) Red Army Fraction Dossier Introduction
31) Christian Klar's Trial Statement - Stammheim Process
32) "They Want To Destroy Us" - Interview With RAF Prisoners;
Lutz Taufer, Karl-Heinz Dellwo, Knut Folkerts
33) "There Is Much Which Unites Us"
34) "We Must Search For Something New" - Red Army Fraction
Discussion Paper - August 1992
35) Statement By Irmgard Moller Regarding The RAF Cease-Fire
36) Letter From Spain...
37) Letters...
38) Literature Available From Arm The Spirit
*****************************************************************
1. Editorial: "We're Still Here"
After an absence of many months we're finally back with a
new issue. As always, the usual problems seem to plague us, with
money being our biggest nemesis. Our last issue came out August
1992, and since then we have slowly been putting together this
issue. As one month turned into another, we realized that a lot
of the information and articles in this issue were becoming
dated. This was particularly problematic in light of the fact
that we are a bi-monthly publication and we attempt to be up-to-
date in our coverage of various revolutionary struggles. With
this in mind, we decided to produce a double-sized issue which
could be considered an overview of the various struggles that we
focus on in the Arm The Spirit. Therefore we have compiled
various statements, interviews, news and analysis on the Kurdish
liberation struggle, political prisoners in both North America
and Europe, urban guerrilla organizations such as the Red Army
Fraction and Devrimci Sol, and more, all from within the last
year or so. As 1992 was also an important year for indigenous
peoples in this hemisphere, we have also included information on
the various struggles and campaigns of "500 Years of Resistance".
We have also attempted to tie some of this together and show the
interconnectedness of the various struggles with the inclusion of
statements from both Italian and German political prisoners.
Hopefully we have achieved this to some degree.
While we have been slow to finish this issue, we have been
politically active in other ways. As some of you may have noticed
from our last issue, we now have an electronic mail address. Not
only are we able to send and receive information via electronic
mail but we're able to gain access to vast amounts of information
within the global computer network Internet. Within Internet
there exists a large number of newsgroups which are accessible to
anyone with Internet access and an e-mail address. A growing
number of leftists, including us, are taking advantage of this
technology and are using various newsgroups to provide
information on any number of struggles. We attempt to post
information on regular basis onto two newsgroups:
"misc.activism.progressive" and "alt.politics.radical-left". We
encourage comrades with access to Internet to read these
newsgroups as well as getting in touch with us via e-mail. We've
also made Arm The Spirit available in electronic form and can
send it via e-mail to anyone who requests it. As well, two
prison-oriented publications, "Prison News Service" and "Prison
Legal News" are now online and are available from our e-mail
address.
We wish to end this "editorial" with a correction and a call
for solidarity. First off, in our last issue we reprinted a
"Revolutionary Cells (RZ)" communique from a group that claimed
to carry out an action against fascists. We have learned that
this action was not successful and was not carried out by the
RZ's. Comrades in Europe have informed us that the bombs that had
been placed did not detonate and if this had occured, people may
have been injured or killed. This is not the practice of the
RZ's. If people could be injured or killed as the result of an
armed action by them, they will not carry it out. As well, the
communique has passages that were directly taken from an article
in a leftist magazine. While no one is sure of the identity of
those who placed the bomb and released the communique, it is not
improbable that fascists, or even the German secret services,
were responsible. One, after all, need only to look to the Piazza
Fontana bombing in 1969, in Italy, which killed 16 people. A
bombing which was blamed on leftists but was carried out by
fascists in collaboration with the Italian secret services.
Finally, we wish to point out the vital need to support two
New Afrikan prisoners of war - Geronimo ji Jaga Pratt and
Sundiata Acoli. These comrades share a similar history of
struggle and resistance for which they have suffered severe
repression from the U.S. government. As participants in the Black
liberation struggle in the 60's and 70's, both Sundiata and
Geronimo were targeted by COINTELPRO, an FBI counter-intelligence
program designed to neutralize and destroy Black liberation
organizations, most notably the Black Panther Party (BPP) and the
Black Liberation Army (BLA). As a result many BPP and BLA members
were killed and many more imprisoned. Some of these comrades
still remain in prison and the struggle to free them still
continues. Both Sundiata and Geronimo now face opportunities to
be released on parole. But this will not occur without
extraordinary pressure and we urge comrades everywhere to
undertake any form of action they are capable of to help achieve
Sundiata's and Geronimo's freedom. Information can be found
within this issue about their situation, except that in
Geronimo's case his parole hearing did not take place in December
1992. It has been postponed and a new date has not been set. As
well, a specific date has not been set for Sundiata. For up-to-
date information send us a letter, fax or get in touch by e-mail
- and keep up the pressure!
Arm The Spirit - January 1993
2. Some Useful Information
Editor: Gabriel Dumont
Subscriptions: $10 for 6 issues (Cash or postal money orders - no
cheques!). $25.00 for 6 issues for libraries and other
institutions.
Distribution Rates: A regular issue of Arm The Spirit is 20 pages
long and has a $1.50 cover price. If you order 10 or more copies
you can get them for $.90 each (50 or more will cost $.75 each).
This particular double issue has a cover price of $2.00 and 10 or
more copies cost $1.20 each (50 or more cost $1.00 each). Please
note that this does not include the cost of postage. We prefer
cash upfront, but we're quite willing to work out consignment
arrangements.
Prisoner Subscriptions: Due to our perpetually dire financial
situation we are no longer capable of offering free subscriptions
to prisoners. Prisoners, though, who are presently on our mailing
list, will remain there.
We Can Be Reached Through The Following:
Arm The Spirit
c/o Wild Seed Press
P.O. Box 57584, Jackson Stn.
Hamilton, Ont.
L8P 4X3 Canada
Arm The Spirit
c/o Autonome Forum
P.O. Box 1242
Burlington, VT
05402-1242 USA
FAX for Canadian address: 416 527 2419
E-mail for U.S. address: aforum@moose.uvm.edu
Caution: Protected Private Property! - This publication remains
the property of the sender unless and/or until it has been
personally and materially accepted by the prisoner to whom it is
addressed. In the event that the prisoner is denied direct
personal access to this publication, it must be returned to the
sender with notice of the reason(s) for failing to deliver it to
the addressee.
3. Ad Rates (For The Hard Copy Version)
1/6 page: $15.00 (5" wide x 2.5" high or 2.5" wide x 5" high)
1/3 page: $30.00 (5" wide x 5" high or 2.5" wide x 10" high)
1/2 page: $45.00 (7.5" wide x 5" high)
Full page: $90.00
With this issue of Arm The Spirit we are now offering paid
advertising space. This is one of the steps we've taken to
improve our financial situation so that we can have a regular
publishing schedule. We reserve the right to refuse ad space to
groups or organizations that we feel would be inappropriate in
our publication. At the same time we are also willing to trade ad
space with publications with whom we feel some affinity with.
4. War In Kurdistan
1992 has been a decisive year for the Kurdish liberation
struggle, particularly in North-West Kurdistan. The Workers Party
of Kurdistan (PKK) and the National Liberation Front of Kurdistan
(ERNK) have been instrumental in developing this struggle and
their strength and ability to achieve this is a measure of
support they have from the Kurdish people. One of the clearest
examples of this occurs during the celebrations of the Kurdish
New Year - Newroz - every March. This year, like the many before
it, saw Newroz celebrations in many Kurdish cities and towns turn
into militant demonstrations in support of the PKK and the
struggle to free and reunite all parts of occupied Kurdistan. The
Turkish state responded with brutal attacks on the Kurdish people
- dozens were killed and thousands were detained under martial
law for many days. The Turkish army then tried to justify these
measures by claiming that they had been attacked by the military
wing of the PKK - the People's Liberation Army of Kurdistan
(ARGK). They further used this lie as an excuse to attack many
cities, in particular, the city of Sirnak which was put under
siege the day after Newroz, resulting in many deaths and heavy
damage to the city itself.
The Special War Means A "Scorched Earth" Policy
This attack on Sirnak was a turning point in the war for
national liberation, as repression by the Turkish state has
clearly shifted from its "Special War" counter-insurgency
operations to all-out war. This escalation has manifested itself
in a 'scorched earth' policy which has seen the razing of towns
and cities such as Kulp, Varto, Hani, and Cizre and others. The
second and even more brutal attack, on Sirnak in August has been
by far the clearest example of Turkish atrocities against the
Kurdish people. Starting August 18/92, Turkish forces blocked all
roads in and out of Sirnak and went on a 3 day rampage, claiming
that the town was controlled by 1500 ARGK guerrillas. Women,
children, and elders were killed and wounded by the hundreds.
Houses and buildings were torched and animals were slaughtered.
Seventy per-cent of the city was destroyed and many people were
left homeless and destitute. There were no guerrilla units in the
city. At present the city is devastated and many of its
inhabitants have become refugees. Rebuilding efforts are underway
but due to the continued Turkish presence and repression these
efforts are proceeding slowly.
While the army has been carrying out full-scale warfare, it
has also continued to carry out a variety of counter-insurgency
operations. Contraguerrillas have been organized to assassinate
sympathetic journalists and politicians, PKK militants, and other
supporters of the Kurdish liberation struggle. This has included
the assassination of writer/journalist Huseyin Deniz, and of Musa
Anter, who was a journalist with the progressive newspaper 'Ozgur
Gundem' and a noted writer considered by many to be "the grand
old man of Kurdish culture." He was the fifth journalist from
this newspaper to be assassinated in 1992. In an obvious show of
contempt for their deaths, Prime Minister Suleyman Demirel stated
that "these are not the journalists you think they are. They are
all militants." In other words, in the view of the Turkish
government, their deaths were justified. On June 11,
contraguerrillas took 15 Kurdish patriots off a bus which was
returning from Hizan, and executed them. They also attacked a
train station the next day in Mus, injuring six and killing a
small child. These and many other attacks take place on a
consistent basis, often in conjunction with military operations.
Arbitrary detentions and mass arrests of Kurdish militants
and activists continue to be used to quell dissent and support
for an independent Kurdistan. On September 25, 11 members of the
People's Labour Party (HEP) were arrested on the orders of the
National Security Council - which includes the Prime Minister,
Army chiefs and certain cabinet ministers. The HEP is a
progressive political party which supports Kurdish rights; in the
1991 elections it elected 22 Kurdish MPs to parliament. The
arrest of the HEP members was based on the view of the National
Security Council that it would take "legal measures against those
democratic institutions and media which support separatism and
work against the unitary state structure, and thus have no
constitutional or legal basis."
Further, disinformation is used to falsely implicate the PKK
and ARGK in atrocities and attacks that are actually carried out
by the army or contraguerrillas. For example, the murder of the
15 Kurdish patriots mentioned above was blamed on the PKK in an
attempt to discredit them in the eyes of the Kurdish people. As
well there have been numerous attempts to turn international
opinion against them. The Turkish government has accused the PKK
of bombing the British consulate in Istanbul and of attempting to
shoot down an Arab airliner travelling to Saudi Arabia. The PKK
has denied these charges stating that "it is not their way of
operating and neither is it in their interest." They state that
it is the Turkish police and the contraguerrillas who have
carried out these attacks.
Counterinsurgency operations of this kind are used both to
instill fear in the Kurdish population and to deter the
population from supporting the PKK. All of these attempts have
failed and support for Kurdish independence continues to
flourish.
Kurdish Collaborators With Turkish Colonialism
In Iraqi-occupied Kurdistan the two leading political forces
in the region, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and
Kurdistan Democratic Party-Iraq (KDP), have consistently shown
themselves to be the enemies of an independent Kurdistan. They
have arrested, tortured and killed PKK supporters and members,
turned them over to the Turkish military, and passed on
information about PKK activities to Turkish and imperialist
agents who they allow to operate in south Kurdistan. In response
to this, the ARGK imposed an embargo on border trade at the
Turkish-Iraqi frontier on July 29th. This was not aimed at the
Kurdish people in the south but against the joint trade carried
out between the Turkish state and the KDP. Instead the PKK wishes
to forge better economic, social and political ties between the
people of north and south Kurdistan without the interference of
the Turkish state and its KDP-PUK collaborators.
The KDP-PUK retaliated by coordinating, with the Turkish
military, an offensive against PKK/ARGK bases in south Kurdistan
in October. Heavy clashes occured between ARGK guerrillas and
KDP-PUK peshmergas (Kurdish name for 'guerrilla') in Lolan,
Sheranis, Batufa, Zakho, Haftanin and other areas. When the
fighting began many peshmergas refused to fight against their own
people and a number went over the ARGK side. Also, splits began
occur within KDP-PUK forces with the resignations of ministers
from both parties who stated that the "clashes only helped the
Turkish state." On October 22, the PKK was able to prove
conclusively that collaboration was taking place between KDP-PUK
forces and the Turkish military. In an ARGK raid on a meeting of
KDP-PUK commanders, seized documents confirmed that a trilateral
committee existed which directed the operations of the
peshmergas. This committee was composed of one PUK commander, a
KDP commander and senior Turkish military major and had direct
access to the Turkish High Command who were directing military
operations.
During the initial offensive, ARGK forces were on the
defensive, facing heavy attacks in many areas. Despite rumours by
the media, of a withdrawal and surrender, the ARGK/PKK did not
lose any ground and towards the end of October were able to mount
an offensive. In early November, the PKK announced the lifting of
the embargo on border trade after a political settlement with the
forces of the KDP-PUK. Terms of the settlement allowed the
ARGK/PKK to continue to operate freely in south Kurdistan -
clearly showing the inability of the KDP-PUK/Turkish military
forces to achieve their desired goal.
The Struggle Moves Forward
Despite massive repression by the Turkish state of the
Kurdish people, the liberation struggle continues to grow. On a
military level, the ARGK continues to carry out many effective
and sometimes spectacular actions against the Turkish military
and police forces. For example, on September 29, 1250 ARGK
guerrillas simultaneously attacked 3 Turkish military garrisons
in the Semdinli region. The attack, which lasted for over 7 hours
completely destroyed the garrisons as well as killing close to
500 Turkish soldiers. They also shot down a helicopter and
captured numerous weapons while suffering minimal losses. On
November 10, they attacked the main military garrison in the town
of Hani. The 200 ARGK guerrillas, who used rockets and mortars
during the attack, completely destroyed the garrison when they
hit the ammunition dump. When military reinforcements entered the
town, they were attacked by the guerrillas who destroyed 4 tanks
and 2 armoured personnel carriers. Once again the ARGK suffered
minimal losses, while over 100 soldiers and police were killed
during the attack. Their most recent action, on December 14, saw
a raid on the Special Forces headquarters in Diyarbakir which
resulted in the death of 27 police officers. At the same time an
ARGK unit ambushed a military convoy on the road from Hani to
Diyarbakir.
Politically, the Kurdish independence movement has been
working towards the founding of a National Parliament of
Kurdistan. According to the Kurdistan National Assembly
Preparation Committee, the National Assembly of Kurdistan "will
be the highest body representing the people of Kurdistan. The
assembly will pass laws in all fields which interest the Kurdish
nation and be the only body representing them in the
international arena". This body aims to be the legitimate
representative body of the Kurdish people all over the world. To
this end, elections were held to elect delegates in all the
occupied areas of Kurdistan - Syria, Iraq, Iran, Turkey, as well
as among Turkish communities in the CIS and Europe, between
November 20-22, 1992. For the first time in their history the
Kurdish people were able to express their free will through these
elections. In Europe, 153 delegates were elected representing the
many different aspects of the exiled Kurdish community. Of these,
27 were women and 3 of the delegates came from south Kurdistan.
Almost 50% of those eligible to vote participated in the
elections, which was hampered by inexperience and technical
difficulties, as well as by misinformation and propaganda spread
by Turkish and pro-Turkish European media. We do not as yet know
the results of voting held in occupied Kurdistan due to the many
difficulties in holding elections in a fragmented nation. In the
second round of the European elections, held on December 19-20,
15 MP's were elected by the 153 delegates. These 15 MP's
represent the Kurdish people living in Europe in the Kurdistan
National Parliament.
The Future?
As the situation intensifies in north-west Kurdistan,
support for the PKK and Kurdish liberation struggle increases
correspondingly to growing Turkish state repression. In the words
of two Kurds, "Every person in the region now supports the
rebels. Everyone, almost without exception", and "Some used to be
uncertain, but not after Sirnak."
After the Gulf War and the break-up of the Soviet Union,
Turkey has set it sights on becoming the major power in the
Middle East as well as extending its influence throughout the
region. While denying that it plans to annex the Turkish-speaking
republics of the former Soviet Union, Turkey is making economic
and political overtures to, among others, Azerbaijan and
Kazakhstan. As Turkish Prime Minister Suleyman Demirel stated,
"...we saw [...] a Turkish world, at least in people's
intentions, ...a commonality that can't be denied." At the same
time, the recent collaboration with the KDP-PUK in south
Kurdistan, is perceived as a move by Turkey to obtain Iraqi
Kurdistan for itself. Because of Turkey's strategic importance as
a NATO ally, Turkish expansionism falls into line with western
imperialist/NATO strategy. An indication of this is the recent
redeployment this year of NATO military hardware from Central
Europe to Turkey. With the ending of the Cold War, Europe, and
Germany in particular, is no longer considered a frontline in an
'East/West' confrontation. As the world situation increasingly
shifts to a 'North/South' confrontation, Turkey assumes the role
of a frontline in imperialist domination. Clearly then, the
Kurdish liberation struggle poses a serious obstacle to the
implementation of imperialism's "New World Order". The formation
of an independent Kurdistan would not only seriously disrupt -
and perhaps even destroy - the Turkish state but it would also
destabilize the entire region as uprisings by Kurdish people in
Iran, Iraq and Syria would most likely be occurring at the same.
Further, the liberation of the Kurdish nation would be a powerful
example and signal for other colonized peoples in the region,
particularly the Palestinians. Of course, Turkey and its
imperialist allies cannot allow this happen and will use any
force necessary to crush the Kurdish liberation struggle.
For us, concrete solidarity with the Kurdish struggle, means
building resistance here in the imperialist centres and opposing
its aggression by any means necessary.
5. An Interview With The General Secretary Of The PKK, Abdullah
Ocalan
PKK General Secretary Abdullah Ocalan: "We will develop the
revolutionary war to counter the imperialist plot in south
Kurdistan"
General Secretary, how do you evaluate the developments in
south Kurdistan?
We are well aware that the enemy has intensified his attacks
on us. The all-out offensive of the Turkish state dates back to
the National Security Council and Cabinet meetings held in
Diyarbakir at the end of August. A consensus has been arrived at
between the parties in the Turkish Parliament and diplomatic
endeavours have been made to cut off supposed ties with Iran and
Syria. they then tried to put the southern collaborationist
forces into the breach. The basis for this is Demirel's phrase
"to break the back" of our activities in south Kurdistan. We know
that they have been preparing such a plan for a long time now.
For various reasons they timed it for October. By securing the
approval of the U.S. and Europe, and even taking into account the
U.S. elections they made their preparations accordingly.
Barzani's statement: "Turkey gave me seven days, I have to
succeed" proves the reality of this plan. The timing of the
meeting of the Iraqi opposition was also part of this plan. They
had hoped to defeat us by the 23rd of October, but the failure of
the peshmergas and the lack of success of the Turkish offensive
has resulted in the postponement of this meeting. The fact that
the Turkish army entered the fray in the last few days proves
that the collaborators were unable to deliver the goods. We will
develop the struggle on all fronts against these plans.
If you are victorious in this war, how do you see future
developments?
If we come out on top it will mean Turkey is staring defeat
in the face and it will have to withdraw. Kurdistan will then be
free, to a great extent. We will give our all and create a free
Kurdistan.
Our reporters in the region inform us that the peshmergas
are unwilling to fight. What is your opinion about this?
This is clearly the case, that the peshmergas have no
intention of fighting. They are being forced to fight. In a
prolonged war the collaborationist forces would lose the support
of the people and the peshmerga fighters. These forces have put
all their fighters at the disposal of the Turkish units. If the
Turkish units fail they, too, will collapse. For this reason we
do not see the clashes in the south as a PKK-Peshmerga conflict,
rather we see it as the liberation struggle of the people of the
south.
So can we say that you are going to open a front in south
Kurdistan?
The two fronts are linked. We cannot develop the front in
the north without doing the same in the south and vice versa. The
drawing of the Turkish army into the south makes things easier
for us in the north. We will draw them deeper into the swamp
which will be very disadvantageous for them.
War scenes are being shown on Turkish television and in the
press. How do you evaluate this?
For the enemy the war is intensifying and for us the
guerrilla war is coming to the stage of an all-out popular
uprising. This is an important stage. It gives us the possibility
of reaching equilibrium in the war. We will dedicate all our
forces to the struggle and believe our people will be the victors
in this war.
(From Berxwedan - Kurdish Newspaper - 92/10/24)
6. ERNK European Representatives' Statement
We are making the following statement as a party to the
clashes occurring at the present time between the "National
United Independence Front of Kurdistan" and the treacherous KDP
and PUK supported by Turkey.
After the Gulf War the "Poised Hammer" military force, led
by the U.S., was sent to Kurdistan to fill the power vacuum in
Iraq and to prevent any potential developments in the Middle
East. Turkey approved of this military force which was part of a
common regional plan of the Western States. Turkey wanted to
benefit from the advantages offered by this situation to crush
the movement in northern Kurdistan.
Turkey began to develop a policy in line with these
developments. First they claimed to defend the interest of the
Kurds. They then made contact with Talabani and Barzani and
invited them to Ankara. They were issued with Turkish diplomatic
passports. Turkey provides economic, military and political
support to these forces.
This fake "love of the Kurds" from a country whose chief of
staff states "there are no Kurds in Turkey" and which kills tens
of Kurds every day, flattens towns like Sirnak, Cukurca and Kulp
and starts proceedings to try Kurdish deputies under legislation
which carries the death penalty is all part of a bloody plan.
Talabani and Barzani started their preparations to attack
the PKK after receiving support at meetings in Ankara and
Washington last month. The date of the "ultimatum" was
established at the meeting in Ankara. Talabanin returned to
Kurdistan accompanied by a group of Turkish officers.
The clashes occurring in southern Kurdistan are the result
of an assault, the preparations for which were made previously.
The PKK is not the aggressor but is exercising its legitimate
right of self-defence against these forces' collaborationist and
treacherous attacks.
We have explained many times that this situation was being
incited by the colonialist, imperialist states, particularly
Turkey, but despite this they are imposing a war of annihilation
on our people, in alliance with Turkey.
We repeat that the PKK is not in favour of these clashes.
However, it is determined to carry out policies in line with the
interests of the people of Kurdistan. We will continue to defend
ourselves against attacks. The PKK is waging its war and its
defence on the soil of its own country, Kurdistan, for which its
goal is independence, not the soil of another country. For this
reason it is not possible for it to leave the land and positions
for which it has given many lives. In 1991 we defended this land
against attacks by Saddam and Turkey and in the process hundreds
of our members were martyred, but the KDP and PUK deserted their
people and ran away. We would like to stress that we have the
means necessary to defend ourselves against these forces.
At the moment violent clashes are continuing in an area from
Haftanin, near Zakho, to Hakurke, near the Iranian border, The
National United Independence Front of Kurdistan announced that it
would resist these attacks with all the power at its disposal.
This Front is composed of the PKK, PAK and forces and individuals
who have left the PUK and KDP. Since the clashes began on 1
October 9 PKK guerrillas have been martyred and 20 PAK members
have been killed in the towns of Zakho and Suleimaniye. Around
200 losses have been inflicted on the KDP and PUK forces in the
Zakho and Hakurke areas. 20 KDP members and 6 Turkish officers
have been captured. The Turkish officers will be presented to the
press in the areas where they were captured.
Since 6 October an embargo has been imposed on southern
Kurdistan and all roads leading to Turkey have been taken under
the control of the front with who the initiative in the clashes
now lies. Protest marches against the Attacks are spreading in
towns like Zakho and Suleimaniye. While some peshmerga leaders
are going over to the Independence Front along with the fighters
under their command, at least 1000 peshmergas have given up their
weapons and withdrawn.
The aggressors claim that "the PKK's presence in the area
leads to Turkish air attacks and the Kurdish villages have been
destroyed and the people have left." We have to point out that
the Turkish State is responsible for these attacks and that it is
they who should be called to account. Also the PKK did not come
from outer space. It emerged from its own people and receives
support from them. It is unthinkable that the PKK should harm its
own people. The PKK is contributing to the repair of the
villages. Kurdistan is a whole, for the Kurdish people Dersim and
Suleimaniye are our homeland.
All these attacks are being perpetrated in collusion with Turkey.
Turkish war planes are bombing the battle areas and a military
convoy trying to cross the border was destroyed by our forces.
Despite all its persecution and violent methods Turkey has
been unable to prevent the development of the PKK. Especially in
the summer of 1992 our guerrilla forces have limited the Turkish
State's military presence in rural areas. Our was is continuing
all over our country, which covers 800 thousand square
kilometres. The Turkish State is now using two treacherous
Kurdish parties in southern Kurdistan to attack the Kurdish
people.
The Kurdish people in all four parts of Kurdistan and those
living all over the world are expressing their disgust at this
dirty assault. They deem the acts of these two parties, which
have a 40-year history of defeat and disappointing the hopes of
the Kurdish people, as treachery. We call on these parties to
give up this assault on the Kurdish people. If they disregard our
call their isolation will increase and they will be consigned to
oblivion.
We call on all democratic organisations and bodies to show
solidarity with the Kurdish people against this externally
supported assault which is contrary to their will, and to oppose
the positions taken by their own governments which are
encouraging these clashes.
ERNK (National Liberation Front of Kurdistan) European
Representatives
Brussels October 9/92
7. ETA Militants Arrested In Uruguay
Montevideo, Uruguay - On May 15, 1992, police in this city
arrested a total of 28 persons, 6 of them Uruguayan, the rest
Basques accused of being members of ETA, the Basque liberation
organization. A lawyer and his secretary were among those
arrested, accused of obtaining false papers for the Basques. The
other Uruguayans were a dentist and his wife; whose names were in
one of the Basque's address book, the teacher of a five year old
Basque child, and his son-in-law.
The police called this Operation Alligator and the arrests
were the culmination of a two year old investigation. The Basques
were only charged with violating certain Uruguayan laws
pertaining to the use and possession of false documents. At their
first hearing a judge released all of the Uruguayans and 9 of the
Basques. Several of the Basques are accused of participating in
armed actions in Spain.
Uruguayan law prohibits the extradition of foreigners
accused of political crimes or common crimes with political
overtones. All of the Basques have requested political asylum and
it appears unlikely they will be extradited to Spain.
The Basques were all employed by a Basque restaurant in
Montevideo. Uruguayan military intelligence maintained
surveillance over the Basques (in violation of Uruguayan law
which requires judicial permission for lengthy investigation)
since 1988, at the request of the Spanish government. The Basques
in question were all "retired" militants. The position of the
army was not to disturb the Basques as long as they restricted
themselves to commercial activities, which in addition to the
restaurant, consisted of exporting raw materials, and another
restaurant.
This changed in April of 1991 when a grocery store was
robbed by a Tupamaro and the military determined that his lover,
Lourdes Garayalde, was one of the Basque militants. The military
reached an agreement with the Basques that they would not be
disturbed as long as they didn't participate in illegal
activities. Thus Garayalde was twice arrested and released
despite having false identity papers.
The arrests took place while the sub-secretary of Spanish
security was in Uruguay. The arrests are believed to be the
result of Spanish pressure. The arrests in Uruguay also coincide
with the arrests in France of ETA's top leadership.
In Uruguay the arrests have caused much commotion, because
they show that the police and military are still deeply involved
in surveillance and repression of political activists and the
left in general. At the same time there is a resurgence of right-
wing death squad activity. Given the unlikelihood of any of the
Basques being imprisoned in Uruguay or extradited to Spain, the
arrests, with attendant massive publicity, are seen as reminders
to the Uruguayan left that they live in a death-squad democracy.
8. Palestinian Deportation Case Tests Immigration Law
In early November, 1992, a deportation case against two
Palestinians, Khader Hamide and Michel Shehadeh, in Los Angeles
marks the first test of a controversial U.S. immigration law
which the government says denies non-citizens the
constitutionally protected rights to free speech and association.
According to their lawyers, if the government prevails in
its claim that it can deport the two men for raising money for
Palestinian causes, all non-citizens campaigning for social
change in their native lands would be liable for deportation.
Hamide and Shehadeh, both longtime residents of the U.S were
arrested in January 1987 along with 6 others, and together they
became known as the "L.A. 8". They were never charged with a
criminal offence, but were held without bail in high security
prisons for two weeks until released on their own recognizance.
According to the FBI "the individuals who were arrested in
California had not been found to have engaged themselves in
terrorist activity."
Five years later the government is still seeking to deport
the eight, and is trying to prove that Hamide and Shehadeh ran
afoul of a section of the 1990 Immigration Act which prohibits
non-citizens from providing "material support" to a "terrorist
organization" - in this case the Popular Front for the Liberation
of Palestine" (PFLP), part of the PLO. Both Hamide and Shehadeh
deny belonging to the PFLP.
David Cole of the Center for Constitutional Rights
contended: "If you are a Palestinian and you want to support your
people back home, as a practical matter, you have to send your
money through the PLO and its constituent organizations. There is
simply no reasonable alternative". The American Civil Liberties
Union (ACLU) and some of the other 70 civil and constitutional
rights groups that have formed the committee for justice to
support the "L.A. Eight" have argued strongly against the
government's position.
The government devoted the first two weeks of its case to an
attempt to establish that the PFLP was a "terrorist
organization". Its main witness was Ariel Merari, an adviser to
the Israeli Prime Minister and the Israeli Defence Forces, who
describes himself as a "terrorist" expert. Defence lawyers have
challenged Merari as an expert saying that he can neither speak
nor read Arabic and lacks any broad knowledge of Palestinian
affairs.
We will publish further developments of this trial in the
next issue of Arm The Spirit.
9. Power Poles Sabotaged In Vermont
In early January, Vermont's "Rutland Herald" and the
Associated Press reported that ten electrical transmission poles
in five different Vermont locations have been sabotaged since
April of 1992. Earlier, a letter had been received by the Central
Vermont Public Service Corporation (CVPS) headquarters in
Rutland, Vermont, saying that three utility poles in Rutland
needed to be replaced and that there could be other consequences
unless CVPS dropped its contract with Hydro-Quebec.
The wooden utility poles were all notched, cut, or drilled
in a way so that they would fall over in high winds or heavy
snowfall, according to Thomas Hurcomb, vice president of public
affairs for the utility corporation. In all cases, a "Q" roughly
approximating the logo used by the Canadian Hydro-Quebec-owned
utility was painted or drawn on the vandalized poles.
No group or individual has claimed responsibility for the
acts of sabotage. CVPS has issued a reward of $20,000 for
information leading to a successful prosecution of those
responsible.
The FBI is investigating the incidents. John Hersh, special
agent with the Rutland office of the FBI, said the acts appeared
to violate two federal laws. A federal extortion law says anyone
found guilty of interfering with interstate commerce through
threats of violence can be fined $10,000 and imprisoned for up to
20 years. Another federal law prohibits the destruction of an
energy facility and carries a penalty of $50,000 and 10 years in
jail.
Glenn Gershaneck, spokesman for Governor Howard Dean, said
the news had upset the governor who felt that it was the first
time that acts of potential violence like this had occurred in
Vermont.
The contract between Hydro-Quebec and 17 Vermont utilities
(CVPS has the largest contract for H-Q power) has been the
subject of controversy for several years. Opponents argue that
the Canadian utility's expansion plans threaten the indigenous
lifestyle of the Cree, Inuit, and Innu peoples who live in
northern Quebec. Environmentalists say that Hydro-Quebec's plans
threaten fragile habitats and the future of some species of
migratory fowl, fresh-water seals, beluga whales, caribou, etc.
Opponents have also argued that Vermont does not need the power
from H-Q, and that the contract is a disincentive to conservation
efforts.
(Biodiversity Liberation Front-Earth First)
10. Better Late Than Never
On November 16/92, a statue of Canada's first prime
minister, John A. Macdonald, was "beheaded" and the acronym
"F.L.Q." (Front de Liberation du Quebec - a Quebecois nationalist
guerrilla group that was active in the 60's and early 70's) was
spraypainted at its base. A message which claimed responsibility
for the action was received by a Canadian newsagency, the CBC,
and it stated that the "beheading" coincided with the 107th
anniversary of the hanging of Louis Riel. This action was
symbolic in a number of different ways. Riel was a leader of the
Metis - who were of First Nation and Quebecois blood - and had
led them in a number of uprisings against the Canadian government
during the mid- to late-1800's. The Metis uprisings culminated in
1885 when Canadian troops put down what is known as the Metis or
Northwest Rebellion, but is more accurately described - as the
Metis call it - the Northwest War of Resistance. After the defeat
of Metis forces at the Battle of Batoche, Riel was captured and
put on trial for treason. He was found guilty and was hung on
November 16, 1885. The Metis struggle, like that of many other
First Nations peoples, was a fight for self-determination and
land in the face of Euro-settler expansionism. At this time the
Canadian state was beginning to consolidate and one of its main
protagonists was John A. Macdonald who saw Metis and other First
Nation peoples as obstacles to achieving the formation of the
Euro-settler Canadian nation. It's too bad that someone didn't
lop off his head back then.
11. Asylum Bill Demonstration In England
On Saturday 21st November, up to 4000 people marched through
central London to demonstrate against the government's Asylum
Bill. The march was organised by RAHCAR (Refugees Ad-Hoc
Committee for Asylum Rights), an alliance of refugee community
groups in Britain. According to RAHCAR, "the government is
trying to close all avenues to the UK for people fleeing
persecution from the Third World". If the Asylum Bill becomes
law:
- all asylum seekers including young children will be
fingerprinted. Police and immigration officers will be able to
arrest without warrant anybody who refuses. At present in the UK,
only people who have been charged with an imprisonable offence
are required to give their fingerprints.
- the right of homeless asylum seekers to housing will be taken
away.
- asylum seekers will have very limited rights of appeal. Many
will only have two days to make an appeal after being refused
asylum, and they may have to appeal without even seeing the
evidence which the Home Office used to make its decision to
refuse.
- the right of appeal will be abolished altogether for visitors
to the UK. Visitors have been refused entry into Britain to
attend weddings, funerals, and other family occasions, or as
tourists. Last year 10,000 visitors appealed against the refusal
of their visa, and one in five won their appeal. If the Asylum
Bill becomes law, this will not be possible.
Even without the Asylum Bill things are getting worse for
asylum seekers in the UK. The government has promised to build an
extra 300 detention places for asylum seekers. The Immigration
Act 1971 gave the authorities power of unlimited detention for
people whose claims for asylum are under consideration, or who
have been refused. In 1991, two asylum seekers died in detention.
Contacts: RAHCAR, 365 Brixton Road, London SW9 7DB.
(From ECN London)
12. Workers Riot In Japan
Kamagasaki is a neighbourhood in Osaka, Japan, home to some
30,000 workers, mainly day-labourers, including many homeless
workers. On October 1, the local government in the neighbourhood
decided to stop paying out social security payments to needy
workers.
The approximately 80 workers who were turned out of the
social security office on October 1 and told they were not going
to receive any payments responded by smashing in the office's
windows. In the early afternoon, some 1500 police arrived in the
neighbourhood to prevent the discontent from spreading. But by
early evening, at least 1000 workers had gathered, alongside many
youths and "normal citizens". Burning barricades were erected in
the streets. Throughout the evening, the rioting spread as trains
and buses were set on fire and a large supermarket was looted.
The next day, the local government stood by its decision and
decided to once again refuse to make payments to the day-
labourers. The social security building closed its doors at
9:30am. Out came the stones and molotov cocktails once again, as
workers and police squared off in the streets for a second day.
By late afternoon, the local government gave in and agreed
to renew its payments to the day-labourers.
(From Interim #214 and Libera Volo #44)
13. News In Brief
A hunger-strike launched September 28 by Palestinian prisoners
ended October 15 when negotiators at Israel's Nahfa Prison
approved the principles of an accord accepted a week earlier at
four other prisons. The Israeli Prison Service Authorities
promised major improvements in living conditions in all prisons
and accepted the principle of unified treatment. A final
agreement is still being drafted. One participant in the fast,
Hussain Nimeer A'beedat, died October 14... On 14.8.92 two
comrades from the anti-imperialist resistance in Copenhagen were
jailed after being charged with 3 bank robberies. They are
Christian Zwettler from Bonn and Stefan Klinthoj. Both are being
held in total isolation, alone in their cells for 23.5 hours a
day. The only people they ever hear or see are guards. Christian
is not allowed visitors and Stefan has not been allowed to see
his parents. their mail is also excessively censored. In Denmark,
they have been victims of a negative smear campaign by the
capitalist media. The two are demanding to be grouped together.
Both of them would love to receive mail: Christian Zwettler,
Stefan Klinthoj: Vestre Faengsel, AFD.C., Politigarden,
Kopenhagen-Vesterbro, Denmark (Angehorigen Info 101)... On
December 4/92, the Corsican National Liberation Front carried out
a series of bombings across France and Corsica. The 24 bombings
took place mostly at tax or government finance offices in Paris,
Nice and Corsica. They were in response to proposed tax changes
by the French government... In Argentina, a recently-formed group
called the Revolutionary Organization of the People (ORP) has
announced a campaign against the government of President Carlos
Menem. The ORP has claimed responsibility for the October 29
bombing of the state oil company, which they said was in protest
of its planned privatization. The ORP has previously claimed
responsibility for attacks on two banks and the placing of
pamphlet bombs. Apparently, the ORP was a split from the People's
Revolutionary Party and the All for the Homeland Movement (MTP).
In January of 1989 an armed column of the MTP attacked the Fourth
Infantry Regiment in La Tablada. They were forced to withdraw
after thirty hours of combat, which resulted in the deaths of 40
people including guerrillas, military personnel and police
officers (NSN Weekly Update #145) ... The Anti-Defamation League
of B'nai Brith is suing the American Indian Anti-Defamation
Council in Federal Court due to the use of the word "Anti-
Defamation" in its name. The ADL claims that it coined the term
"anti-defamation" to serve as its distinctive name, and that it
has propriety rights to those words and uses them in connection
with its services which include combatting racial prejudice.
According to AIM spokesperson Russell Means, "had we American
Indians been more careful with our immigration policies 500 years
ago, it would have prevented those people who are racially
prejudiced from entering the continent which would have obviated
the need for any kind of Anti-Defamation Council or Anti-
Defamation League." The American Indian Anti-Defamation Council
needs financial contributions as they have no money and have not
been able to retain a lawyer as yet. Send contributions to:
American Indian Anti-Defamation Council, 215 West Fifth Avenue,
Denver, Colorado, USA 80011... On November 23/92, a group calling
itself the Fuerzas Punitivas de Izquierda (Punitive Forces of the
Left - FPI) assassinated right-wing business executive Arges
Segueira. Sequeira, who was killed in the northwestern Nicaraguan
city of Leon, was the president of the Association of the
Confiscated, a group of Nicaraguans who are attempting to reclaim
land that been appropriated under the FSLN's land reform
programs. Until the action had been claimed by the FPI on
November 26, the president of the rightwing business group COSEP,
Ramiro Gurdian, held the Sandinistas responsible. The FPI which
describes itself as an "anti-imperialist, Marxist and Leninist
organization" states that it has been in existence for two years.
On October 12, two bombings took place in Managua, one near the
U.S. embassy, which were claimed by the FPI. In the accompanying
communique, they threatened kill politicians who are continuing
to "play with the people's hunger and who aggravate the domestic
crisis." When claiming the November 23rd action, the FPI
threatened Gurdian and other right wing politicians and business
executives and stated that they wanted to rescue "the conquests
of the Sandinista revolution." (NSN Weekly Update #142 & #148)...
14. Rostock And Its Aftermath
Pogrom in Rostock
On October 3, Germany 'celebrated' the second-anniversary of
its reunification - or rather the annexation of the former German
Democratic Republic (GDR) by West Germany. Also on October 3,
both the far-right and the far-left in Germany took to the
streets in protest, the former to call for the expulsion of all
foreigners and refugees from the country, and the latter to
denounce neo-nazi violence and to demand open borders for all
refugees.
Germany's domestic political order has been greatly upset
for the past several months, particularly after a series of
racist pogroms in the former East German town of Rostock
unleashed an unprecedented wave of organized, militant attacks by
neo-nazi youth gangs throughout all of Germany. The attacks in
Rostock began on August 22 at an anti-foreigner rally in front of
a home for asylum-seekers. Despite a tip-off to police, only 20
officers were on hand when the violence began. At least 100 neo-
nazi youths smashed the windows of a building, and even though
100 extra police soon showed up, they did not intervene, and the
attacks on the refugee center continued until deep into the
night. TV images of the pogrom showed countless neighbourhood
residents standing nearby, applauding and cheering.
On Sunday night, a line of riot police could not prevent a
second night of attacks, this time by nazi youths armed with
molotov cocktails. What's more, it seemed the nazis were very
well organized. Christian Worch of the far-right National List
party from Hamburg was on hand to provide leadership, and neo-
nazi cadres with walky-talkies (and even police radios!) helped
provide organization. The obvious lack of police intervention
made it clear that at least some elements within the police force
either were quietly sympathetic, or may even have aided in
preparations for the neo-nazi attacks. This became further
evident when 100 anti-fascists were brutally dispersed when they
arrived on the scene. At least 60 anti-fascists were arrested in
Rostock on Sunday night, and many were placed in prison cells
full of neo-nazis.
By Monday, attacks on the refugee hostel in Rostock - just
like one year before in the town of Hoyerswerda - had become a
nightly event. The refugees were evacuated, in a sense meaning
that the neo-nazis had been successful. Moreover, inspired by the
events in Rostock, neo-nazis in at least 10 other German cities
rioted and attacked refugee centres on several consecutive
evenings after the initial pogroms in Rostock. And for weeks
after the events in Rostock, there were countless molotov attacks
and stabbings by neo-nazis in cities all across Germany.
The March Goes On
So far this year, over 2000 attacks on foreigners have been
carried out by fascists and neo-nazis in Germany, resulting in 15
deaths and countless injuries. Most recently, on November 20, a
Berlin squatter was killed when a group of autonomists came upon
a group of nazi youths who were beating a foreigner in a subway
station. In the ensuing clash, three of the autonomists were
stabbed, and one of them, Silvio Meier, a 27 year-old squatter,
was killed. In the nights following Silvio's death, there were
constant clashes between autonomists and neo-nazis. Autonomists
also injured at least 37 police in a militant march through
Berlin expressing their outrage at Silvio's death. Later in the
week, autonomists and Turkish youths fought against police in
riots in the neighbourhood of Kreuzberg.
The situation in Germany became further escalated on Sunday,
November 22, when neo-nazi skinheads firebombed the house of a
Turkish family, killing two Turkish women and 11 year-old Turkish
girl. Enraged at this attack, Turkish youths vowed: "Ten Germans
For Every Turk!" Nine other persons were wounded in this attack.
"Attack the Nazis Wherever They Are!"
The fact that neo-nazi gangs have been on an organized
offensive does not, however, mean that there has been no
resistance. Church groups, citizens, and Greens have organized
vigils in front of refugee centres - although it usually takes
just a few skinheads with steel-toed boots and rocks and bottles
to chase these folks away. In contrast to this approach,
autonomist ANTIFA (anti-fascist action) groups expanded their
approach of street-level confrontation with neo-nazis.
One week after the outbreak of violence in Rostock, a large
anti-fascist demonstration was held in that city. Whereas only a
handful of police were deployed to deal with the neo-nazis during
their week of attacks, upon the arrival of the ANTIFA
demonstrators, at least 2000 police were bussed into Rostock in
order to "keep the peace". In other cities as well, ANTIFA
marches were held, often resulting in confrontations with police
and gangs of neo-nazis.
On November 8, German political and business leaders
organized a massive "anti-racist" march in Berlin, mainly to
improve Germany's tarnished image in the international market.
When Chancellor Kohl - who has threatened to declare a state of
emergency in Germany so as to more easily deport refugees - tried
to march at the head of this march, he was attacked with stones
and rotting fruit and security forces had to rush him away.
German president Weizaecker was similarly prevented from
addressing the anti-racist rally when autonomists wrecked the
sound system and bombarded him with eggs. Cowering behind a
phalanx of riot police on live television, Germany's political
elite were effectively shown to be the hypocrites they really
are.
Apart from open, mass activities, autonomen in German cities
have also responded with clandestine attacks on nazi scene
structures like right-wing bars, youth centres, and far-right
political party offices. A group calling itself the "Red
Antifascist Fraction" burned down a fascist organizing center in
the city of Ahrensfelde, and in Rostock itself, just down the
block from the burned-out refugee center, the "Antonio Amadeo
Commando" (named for an Angolan beaten to death by nazis in 1990
in Eberswalde) trashed the far-right youth center "MAX". Such
attacks on nazi political/cultural structures have been
commonplace in Germany for several years, but the recent pogroms
in Rostock have given the actions a renewed sense of urgency,
particularly since the neo-nazi movement seems to be gaining in
numbers and organization. Autonomists have also carried out
attacks on governmental structures responsible for deportations
and racist asylum policies. Most recently, on November 21, a
clandestine cell fire-bombed the judicial faculty division of the
Volks-Uni university in Hamburg.
The Potential Of The Far-Right
The German government has only minimally reacted to the
recent upsurge in fascist violence. In the law courts, young
nazis are usually given lenient sentences, since the judges
usually rule that the attacks were not political, but were rather
the result of the youths' "poor, impoverished upbringing" or "too
much alchohol"; the German courts have refused to criminalize the
far-right. Many left-wing ANTIFA groups, however, have been
criminalized for some time. The entire Autonome ANTIFA scene in
the city of Gottingen has been criminalized under German law
paragraph 129a. In fact, there have been 300 cases brought
against the radical-left under paragraph 129a, while only 6
proceedings have been brought against fascists.
The far-right youth scene has also been enlivened by an
increasing number of neo-nazi rock bands. Bands such as Storkraft
rile up their fans at concerts with "Sieg Heil!" salutes and
lyrics about using flame-throwers to extinguish Jews, disabled
persons, and "gypsies". Under German law, such lyrics are
technically illegal, but only a few fascist bands have had their
songs banned. And obviously, being banned only makes them more
popular within neo-nazi youth scenes.
This lack of repression against the far-right has done much
to allow the movement's continued rise. The nazi's have seen
immediate results from their attacks: fire-bombing refugee homes
has led to refugees being moved out of certain cities; while
nazis shout "Foreigners Out!", the German government makes
payments to Romania as it deports the Roma people back to a land
where they are routinely attacked, and while the German
parliament debates the abolition of Article 16 of the German
constitution which guarantees all asylum-seekers the right to
enter Germany. Ideologically, the extreme right and the German
state are after the same ends: the German government wants to
limit and control the influx of outsiders into Germany, thus it
can effectively utilize neo-nazis as shock troops for this end.
The fact that many German police officers vote for far-right
political parties helps explain their reluctance to crack down on
protests rallies by far-right groups with whom they may tacitly
or openly feel sympathy. Thus, it is the ANTIFA movement which
has been criminalized, while the German government only pays lip
service to calls for a crack-down on far-right extremism.
There is some hope in the fact that most rank-and-file nazis
are not at all politically developed (although it would be
foolish to ignore the well-developed international ties which the
far-right movement's leadership has established). To a large
degree, young skinheads are motivated by the fact that many of
them live in the former GDR where the economic future is bleak.
Well-organized nazi organizations then channel their frustration
and energy and translate it into violence against foreigners. But
with resistance and repression, the far-right could be defeated.
The 19 year-old youth who confessed to taking part in the fatal
fire-bombing in Molln tried to commit suicide in prison. And if
nazi youths suddenly found themselves under continuous attack
from armed Turkish gangs, for example, then they would perhaps be
less confident in roaming the streets.
"Open Borders For All!"
Again, what was most frightening about the series of racist
attacks in Rostock and throughout Germany in August and September
was the degree of public support which the attacks commanded, and
the political results which the attacks had. The fact that
violence by neo-nazis was 'successful' in having refugees removed
from neighbourhoods where they were 'not wanted' is alarming. And
rather than lashing out at the far-right and calling for
solidarity with the oppressed peoples' of the world, Germany's
political leaders from all of Germany's major political parties
instead admitted that there was indeed a refugee "problem" and
that Germany's constitutional guarantee to a refugee's right to
asylum needed to be restricted.
As ever, the recent events in Germany have showed the
urgency for militant anti-racist/anti-fascist organizing. And
this organization needs to be two-fold: first, there needs to be
theoretical/ideological organizing, so as to be able to analyze,
for example, the reasons why global capitalism leads to large
numbers of refugees heading from the impoverished lands of the
South to the wealthy nations of the North, and why we should
support the call for "Open Borders For All!"; and second, the
left needs to provide both concrete solidarity with refugees by
supporting their own organizational efforts, as well as by
organizing our own militant, street-level resistance so as to
attack neo-nazis and their organizational structures wherever
they arise. Nazis should not be allowed to walk the streets
unmolested. They are like a cancer: if left unopposed, they will
continue to carry out their attacks. Anti-racists and anti-
fascists need to be just as effective at the street-level in
opposing them.
No Easy Solutions
Being effective at street level means more than only meeting
violence with violence. Militancy alone will not defeat fascism.
An anti-fascist movement must take into account the broader
perspective; it must look at the 'big picture'. For example, the
fact that fascists have been able to mobilize support,
particulary in East Germany, shows that the recent upsurge in
this activity has deeper roots. While the supposedly "real
existing" socialism in the former GDR was anti-fascist, it was so
in name only. Racism, anti-semitism, and sexism continued to
exist; simmering below the surface of East German society. The
many migrant workers brought into the GDR from other "socialist"
countries such as Vietnam, and Angola were detained in special
neighbourhoods - such as Rostock's Lichtenhagen - and kept
separate from East German society.
With reunification and the subsequent restructuring, East
German living conditions have deteriorated due to factory
closures, housing shortages and a decline in social services. The
combination of simmering racism and economic decline has made the
former GDR a fertile breeding ground for fascist organizing.
An anti-fascist strategy must take these and other issues
into account - it must avoid falling into the trap of 'single-
issue' politics. So, it has to be placed within a larger context
of the struggle against capitalism, racism, sexism, etc. There
are no easy solutions to the questions that these issues raise.
The realization that many East Germans are indeed racist is not
something that can be met only with moral condemnation or
violence - there must be dialogue and interaction. Beating them
up isn't going to necessarily turn them into an anti-fascists.
The left must offer practical alternatives; and its politics must
be relevant and accessible in relation to the everyday struggles
of not only the German working class but refugees and immigrants
who face fascist violence. Clearly, meeting organized fascist
violence requires a militant response but this can be only one
aspect of an anti-fascist strategy. This struggle must be fought
on many different levels whether on the streets, in the factories
or simply trying to win over people's "hearts and minds".
15. Three Greek Militants Arrested
Three Greek Militants Arrested
On Wednesday December 2, two men and one woman were arrested
in Athens: Jiorgos Balafas, Wasiliki Michu, and Andreas
Kiriakopulos. Jiorgos Balafas is accused of:
- founding a terrorist organization and membership in a terrorist
organization of more than two persons with the aim of murdering
persons with weapons;
- sale and possession of drugs;
- weapons construction, possession, and sale to various
organizations;
- supporting a terrorist organization;
- possession of an illegal radio transmitter;
- possession of falsified documents;
- auto theft.
Wasiliki Michu and Andreas Kiriakopulos are charged with
supporting a terrorist organization and the possession of
falsified documents. According to the cops, Jiorgos Balafas is
alleged to have taken part in the following actions:
- the shooting of state prosecutor Theofanopulu in April '85;
this action was claimed by the group "Anti-State Action" [now
called "1st of May Commando"].
- a shoot-out in Gizi, during which three cops were shot, as was
one of Balafas' alleged helpers, Christos Tsutsuvis; May '85.
- a shoot-out in Kalogrezas, during which the alleged leader of
"Anti-State Action", Michalis Prekas, was killed; October '87.
- a bomb-attack in Exarchia, for which Kiriakos Mavrokopos has
been sentenced; November '90.
- a bomb-attack in Sepolia; November '86.
- a bank robbery in Galatsi; May '86.
- attacks on groups of police carried out by the groups "November
17" and "Revolutionary Resistance"
- the shooting of a CIA agent in December '75.
Balafas has been sought by the cops for several years now,
and the Greek press has been portraying him as a "leading
terrorist". The press has repeatedly spread lies about him. The
conservative New Democracy government claimed in 1989 that
Balafas had ties with both November 17 and the social democratic
party PASOK. Many of the files regarding this case have been
burned by the police, leading to speculation that either they are
withholding information or preparing for more arrests.
The three arrested militants were observed for months and
were arrested in an intensive police raid during a party with
friends. Allegedly, police found a cache of weapons, hand
grenades, false documents, and drugs, as well as a car with a
fake licence plate. Shortly after the arrests, Greek TV uncovered
a scandal when the head of the police and a high-ranking general
gave conflicting accounts of what had been seized, etc. In the
end, the Greek interior minister resigned and publicly apologized
for some of the false information which was stated regarding the
number of weapons seized, etc. In the press as well, the cops
were made to look foolish on account of their blood-thirsty raid
on Balafas' house.
Balafas and the other two militants arrested did not make
any statements whatsoever to the police.
Nonetheless, a short press-release was issued by Balafas:
"The program of lies from the police over the last few years has
now reached its high-point. The press has also played its role in
this, by portraying me as 'the most dangerous and unpredictable
terrorist in Greece'. And the cops, who accuse me of having
weapons and explosives, have now added drugs to the list. I have
not killed or wounded anyone. I demand that these lies be
publicly set right. I have not made a statement to police,
because I do not want to become a victim of their so-called
'anti-terror campaign'. Cops lie today, just as they always have,
just because my ideas and my way of life are radically opposed to
the existing system and its values - and many people think this
way! That makes us dangerous to them, but it has nothing to do
with these charges. The people arrested with me are my personal
friends, and they have be detained so that our number might
constitute a "group". Oppose the 'anti-terror' program which
foreign capital is financing and which our government is
directing against the people and all of Greek society! In the
face of lies, truth will prevail! I will make a more lengthy
statement sometime in the future."
The three prisoners are being very heavily guarded. Friends
and relatives of the arrested militants have been putting
pressure on the state prosecutor demanding their release. Shortly
before the arrests, November 17 became active again, bombing
Athens' financial district in response to tax increases announced
by the conservative government.
(From Interim #220)
16. "500 Years of Rape and Hate - We Refuse to Celebrate!" -
International Tribunal Of Indigenous Peoples And Oppressed
Nations In The USA
From October 2-4 there was an "International Tribunal of
North American Native and Oppressed Peoples" in San Francisco.
Organized by AIM (American Indian Movement) and supported by
representatives of the Puerto Rican, New Afrikan, and Mexican
peoples movements, as well as progressive white groups, the
conference dealt with the 500th anniversary of the beginning of
European colonialism on the American continent.
Francis Boyle, professor of international law and key-note
speaker, who also addressed the political prisoners' tribunal in
New York in 1990, drew sharp parallels between the Nazi system
and the U.S. government. Other speakers included David
Cunningham, who also worked on the New York tribunal, as well as
other lawyers and experts.
Twenty witnesses, including a representative of the native
population of Hawaii as well as a long-time political prisoner of
the Puerto Rican independence movement, Rafael Cancel Miranda,
imprisoned along with other comrades for a 1954 shooting incident
inside the U.S. Congress, spoke against the U.S. government's
genocide, violation of human rights, and detention of prisoners
of war. Their statement had been delivered to the U.S. attorney
general ten days previously.
After several hours of testimony and jury deliberation, the
five female "judges" and two male "judges" from Spain, native
Canada, West Germany, the Philippines, and the U.S. (native
American, Asian-American, African-American/New Afrikan) found the
U.S. government guilty on all counts.
Part of the tribunal also consisted of conferences, a
cultural evening, and a women's podium, as well as work groups on
racism, homophobia, political prisoners/prisoners of war, as well
as information tables from various groups. The welcoming address
from the prisoners of the RAF and the German resistance [see next
page - ed.] was well received.
Approximately 1200 people took part in the Tribunal and the
other activities around the campaign of "500 Years of
Resistance", which received a fair amount of press on the West
coast. On October 11, there was a demo of about 7000 people to
oppose the Columbus Day celebrations in San Francisco. A "peace
navy" in the harbour successfully prevented the landing of
replicas of Columbus' ships. The day before, AIM had successfully
prevented a similar pro-Columbus celebration from taking place in
Denver, Colorado.
During the San Francisco anti-Columbus demo, fighting broke
out with police and approximately 40 people were arrested. Some
comrades were stuck with felony charges for fire-bombing a police
car.
(Adapted from Angehorigen Info #105 and Ides #612/613)
17. Anti-Columbus Actions In Latin America
Latin America was the site of massive native protests on
October 12 in opposition to the official celebrations of the
500th anniversary of the re-discovery of the continent by
Columbus. There was a mixture of mass protests and militant
actions.
Columbia: More than 10,000 natives wanted to demonstrate in
Popayan in southern Columbia, but we confronted by the armed
forces. More than 20 persons were wounded. Street barricades were
set up in many other regions throughout Columbia. Bombs caused
material damage in Bogota and Barranquilla.
Peru: In Cuszco (the former Inca capital) more than 40,000 native
peasants gathered to remember the "victims of the invasion" and
the "heroes of the resistance in the Andes". In Lima, guerrillas
blew up a bank office in a wealthy neighbourhood.
Equador: In Sierra, streets were blockaded with stones and
construction materials. Native also occupied several
establishments. There was a protest march to Quito under the
motto "500 Years of Resistance" involving 10,000 people.
Bolivia: Several natives, mostly Ketschuas and Aymaras, gathered
in La Paz. There, an "association of native peoples" was to be
established.
Chile: There were several press conferences, especially in
Temuco, where Mapuches had been protesting for months to get back
their land which had been stolen by white settlers. In Santiago,
a bomb damaged the Spanish embassy.
Mexico: The Maya Council in Yucatan called for protests in every
small village. There was also a ceremony by several thousand
natives to celebrate "the fact that we have retained our fighting
spirit".
18. Message From German Political Prisoners To The Tribunal
To the participants of the International Tribunal "500 Years
of resistance against genocide, colonialism and political
internment".
Here we send to you our warmest solidarity greetings of the
political prisoners in Germany. This tribunal will be an
outstanding event in the history of 500 years of resistance
against genocide and colonialism. It is integrated in a multitude
of activities during this year, all over the world as an
expression of the growing consciousness, that this continual
history of extermination of human life can only be changed when
we all join together internationally.
Today, with this consciousness and our experience from
resistance, our pain and the sorrow of people, but mainly our
hopes we can turn them into a common weapon: against the power of
the elite, against the deeply inhuman system.
Also in Europe many people are involved in the "500 years
campaign". We hope that this will be the beginning of an
intensive political work together which will help us to receive
answers for the questions urging all over. We'll only find real
answers when we carry our struggles for essential changes in an
international context. Even if may problems seem to be, at first
sight, limited regionally and nationally, the people of the Three
Continents and those of the metropolis are confronted with the
same basic problems. The globalized circumstances with which we
are confronted today, require common answers in a situation in
which the right to live is fundamentally called in question for
the majority of the people in the world. It is a vicious circle
of poverty and destruction of the natural living conditions and
out of the current world market-structure. Our whole future and
life depends on that we break through this circle by working
together internationally; understanding and discussion is
necessary between us, how to achieve a human perspective against
the destructive world order. For that the experiences of the
struggles have the same importance as the ideas to resolve these
problems, which quo and we want to develop now. Our hope for the
future is that there will be a development of intensive
interrelationship on the basis of mutual respect and solidarity.
When we have had a visit in prison from Puerto Ricans, from
members of the Black community in the USA or members of the
American Indian Movement and from Latin America, we could see
numerous possibilities and richness materializing from this
mutual respect and solidarity.
The liberation of the political prisoners and of the
prisoners of war all over the world is one of the concrete
political developments, on which this process will arise. In
Western Europe there are more than 2,000 political prisoners.
They are from struggles for self-determination and social
revolution. Also in Europe the ruling classes are violating basic
principles on international law and human rights. The legitimate
struggles are declared as "terrorism". We, the political
prisoners in Germany are part of the revolutionary struggles
during the last 25 years; one of us Irmgard Moller is in solitary
confinement since 1972, sentenced because of armed attacks
against the U.S. war in Vietnam. The internationalism, the
solidarity and the common fight with the people in the south and
the oppressed people of all continents is an elementary thing
since our beginning. It is the basis of our politics and
practice, that makes the possibilities for changing ascertainable
and real. And today we will resist as well any attempt to
liquidate these politics. We are imprisoned because we are
fighting to build up a revolutionary front in Western Europe,
which is part of the international movement for radical change of
the ruling system based on exploitation. For 22 years the German
State has tried to destroy us by all means, because we are
holding onto our struggle; the state is doing this with special
counterinsurgency programs, criminalization, solitary
confinement, etc. Our aims and conditions of detention unite us
with the political prisoners all over the world. At this stage we
extend solidarity greetings to Leonard Peltier, Mumia Abu Jamal
and Alejandrina Torres...!
In your appeal you say that this international tribunal will
help to organize the next 500 years in a completely different
way: that the world will live on through the solidarity of the
people, in which their own cultural identity is free and all
people will be able to share the rich resources of the earth by
saving the environment. We, the political prisoners are part in
this struggle and are involved in these discussions.
We are very conscious of the special responsibility in this
development that the people have in the metropolis, and
especially today while Germany is on its way to become a world
power. During the last 10 years, the propagated victory of the
"free market economy" has drastically intensified the misery of
the majority of the people in the world and the economic,
military and cultural attacks against them.
We are confronted very directly with the results of this
terroristic policy against the poor people and against those who
are pressed into a status as refugees. In Europe and especially
in Germany now we can see once more an escalation in racism that
is stimulated by the state but spreading also inside great parts
of society. Europe is building up to be a fortress to keep the
wealth for a small elite and to keep the standard of living for a
decreasing number of the metropolitan society.
However, this violent attempt to find a way out of the
capitalistic worldwide crisis will not be successful, because
this system isn't able to give any future for the human race and
a chance for the survival of the either in the imperialistic
states nor in the plundered and dependent nations.
The future is in our hands; the oppressed people, the people
who are denied any voice in the world-development. We are the
ones who will formulate our aims and our own conception for the
worldwide social development, for our own live and future
generations.
This tribunal is one step on the way forward.
Freedom now for all political prisoners and all prisoners of
war worldwide!
Prisoners from the guerilla and resistance in Germany.
September 21, 1992
19. Interview With Dr. Luis Nieves Falcon - Co-ordinator Of
Ofensiva '92
Could you tell us a bit about what Ofensiva '92 is, and what were
the reasons behind organizing the campaign?
Ofensiva '92 is what one could call a civic organization or
movement which includes persons from all the social classes,
political ideologies, sexes and ages. It is a national effort in
Puerto Rico to bring to the attention of the Puerto Rican people
on the island, and to the outside world the fact that we have
political prisoners, that they have been illegally sentenced and
imprisoned by the U.S. government, and in addition to the
illegality of these sentences and imprisonment, their human
rights are continuously violated.
We say their human rights are being continuously violated
taking into consideration the international treaty that has been
signed by various countries including the U.S. on the treatment
of prisoners. All the rules that are applicable in that treaty,
signed by the U.S. and other signatory nations, are violated
constantly in the treatment of the Puerto Rican political
prisoners. We feel that this constant violation and oppression
and harassment of Puerto Rican political prisoners is one way to
break their spirit and at the same time create fear and try to
prevent the growing feeling for independence and the growing
feeling for recognizing the brutality of the treatment by the
U.S.
How may political prisoners and Prisoners of War are currently
being held by the U.S.?
At the moment we have 19 political prisoners and Prisoners
of War. Six months ago there were 16, and last month there were
18, so we know that the number will continue growing as the
repression geared towards harassing supporters of freedom for
Puerto Rican increases. At the moment we have 19.
What kinds of organizing are being looked at both in Puerto Rico
and amongst the Puerto Rican community in the U.S.?
Our organizing efforts are, I think, three-fold. Our main
target actually is the Puerto Rican community. So we are
organizing support committees in every municipality of the
island. At the moment we have support committees in 30 out of the
70 municipalities on the island. And each one of them has a
varied calendar of programs and activities geared fundamentally
to letting the people know who the political prisoners are, so
that they may become acquainted with them, to let them know what
the reasons are that they have been incarcerated, and third, to
raise consciousness so that the people start calling for their
immediate liberation.
I feel, by the kinds of activities that are going on every
month on the island, that we are increasingly meeting these
objectives. On the other hand, we are inviting sister
organizations in the U.S. and organizations in the Puerto Rican
communities in the U.S. to follow the same example. At the moment
we already have 12 support committees in cities in the Eastern
part of the U.S. that are not Puerto Rican, but which are
organizations that are in solidarity with our cause, that are
working on the issue also.
Our third level is the international level, where I think we
have been quite successful. For example, for the first time we
have been able to get the Commission on human Rights in Geneva to
take notice that there are political prisoners in the U.S. and
that their rights have been violated. And the commission, as
normal procedure, has informed the U.S. of these complaints and
they have requested the U.S. to answer the charges that we have
presented to the Commission. This is more important precisely at
this moment since we know the strong pressures and the strong
power that the U.S. exerts throughout all the organizing of the
U.N.
In addition to that we are in the process of challenging the
violation of human rights in the Organization of American States
(O.A.S.). The O.A.S. has traditionally been controlled by the
U.S>, to such an extent that their main offices are in
Washington. It has a commission of human rights and we have
already placed a petition to the commission on human rights of
the O.A.S. to examine the violation of the U.S. We are also
frequent speakers at all of the international forums of the non-
aligned countries and other international forums interested in
human rights.
In the U.S. itself, we have been lobbying some of the
Congress people, trying to interest them in the violations that
daily occur against the Puerto Rican political prisoners and two
weeks ago four congress persons sent a letter to the Bureau of
Prisons inquiring about the violations we have reported to them.
So in a sense I think that we are progressing in the
international arena.
You have given the campaign the title "Ofensiva '92" and of
course 1992 is becoming a very significant year for many
communities. Of course it is being celebrated in some segments of
society as the 500 anniversary of the so-called discovery of the
Americas by Columbus. For many people it is a different legacy
and we are seeing the native communities in particular organizing
and celebrating 500 years of resistance. Similarly, the African-
American communities are organizing celebrations of their own
resistance to slavery, which was an inevitable result of
Columbus' invasion of the continent. What is the relevance of
1992 to the Puerto Rican people?
1992 is very relevant to the Puerto Rican people in
particular to the political prisoners and Prisoners of War,
because in a sense these comrades represent the resistance
against oppression. In a sense they are the recipients of the
legacy of resistance to colonialism in the spanish times by the
Native Americans and the slaves and the white presence. And our
presence in a way are the ones who have continued that tradition
of resistance. In that sense 1992 symbolizes not only the
conquest and the colonial domination of the Americas by the
European powers, but it also is a very definite representation of
the long tradition of resistance of Native Americans and Blacks
in the Americas.
Also by attaching the number '92' we want to signify that
this year we will increase all our efforts for the freedom of our
patriots and that we expect that the efforts will crystallize in
some concrete efforts towards their liberation.
When you talk about the prisoners today being the legacy of the
continued resistance of the Puerto Rican people to that kind of
genocide and colonialism, which is ongoing in the U.S. at this
point but from other countries before that, do you hope that
Ofensiva '92 will act in the same way as the campaign to free the
4 Puerto Rican prisoners a few years ago who had been in prison
for 20 years or more?
I would say that at the moment in the liberal sectors and
radical sectors of Puerto Rico society on the island there is no
unifying theme. We are hoping that the campaign for the
liberation of the political prisoners will be the unifying trend
amongst all the radical and progressive sectors of Puerto Rican
society. And that even the moderates, due to the human rights
issues included in it, will finally give the support to this
campaign for freedom in view of the fact that the political
prisoners and Prisoners of War, the only reason that they are in
jail is that they are anti-colonial combatants and very clearly
under international law anti-colonial combatants are not to be
persecuted by the colonial power, but would either be judged by
an international body, or should be allowed to receive asylum in
a neutral country. In the same way, these international
institutes forbid the oppressor country to criminalize the anti-
colonial combatants and the U.S. has always violated what is very
clearly stated by the international institutes.
(This interview took place March 1992 on CKLN, a progressive
radio station in Toronto, Canada.)
20. Puerto Rican News Shorts
On November 3, the New Progressive Party which supports U.S.
statehood for Puerto Rico won the governorship and the majority
of municipalities in the Puerto Rican general elections.
According to the Movimento Amplio de Pueblo (Broad People's
Movement - BPM), a recount shows that environmentalist candidate
Neftali Garcia won 70,189 votes in the election (3.8 % of the
total), some 12,000 more than in the first tabulation. The Puerto
Rican Independence Party came in behind with 3.3 %. According to
the BPM this error shows the State Election Commissions bias in
favour of the registered parties... On November 20, 1992, the New
York City Council, by a vote of 36 to 9 passed a resolution
asking the United Nations Decolonization Committee to urge the
United States Government to declare a general amnesty for all
Puerto Rican political prisoners and prisoners. The political
prisoners have also finally received the support of Amnesty
International, after 12 long years of struggle... According to a
report in a Navy magazine, for the first time in 10 years, Navy
practice manoeuvres on the Puerto Rican island of Vieques
included the dropping of napalm bombs. A Navy spokesperson stated
that because of the situation created among high-level officials
as result of the report, the practice would probably stop. He
also stated that the bombings were being done under controlled
conditions and the nearest home was 10 miles away. ... On
November 30, Carlo Pineiro, a leader of the Puerto Rican
independence movement died at age 37. He had worked tirelessly
for the release of Puerto Rican political prisoners being held in
the U.S., and his efforts led to the successful New York City
resolution.
21. Imperialist Peace Is War! - Excerpt From The Wotta Sitta
Document "Imperialist Peace Is War!"
In previous issues of Arm The Spirit we have printed
statements and letters from the Italian communist prisoners
collective Wotta Sitta. In A.T.S. #12 we published a letter from
some Wotta Sitta comrades who were on trial in Rome. At the end
of this trial they wrote a long paper called "Imperialist Peace
Is War!" in which they analyzed the present world-wide political
reality. In this excerpt they discuss, among other things, the
500 Years of Resistance campaigns.
Crisis And War
"Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however,
this distinctive feature: It has simplified the class
antagonisms. Society as a whole is more and more splitting into
two great camps, into two great classes directly facing each
other - bourgeoisie and proletariat." (Marx, Engels)
1. Last year saw an intensification of the imperialist
bourgeoisie's class rule around the world, under the pressure of
monopoly capital, which is trying to overcome the unresolved
crisis of the 70's by speeding up the process of the
concentration, centralization, and internalization of capital.
This process is leading (by itself) to a profound alteration
in the shape of class rule. On the one hand, it is leading to a
number of growing and explosive contradictions, which are multi-
productive and multinational, among states and economic areas,
thus making clear the inherent limits of the era of globalization
and economic interdependence. On the other hand, this same
process results in a direct attack against the living conditions
of billions of proletarians and people around the world, through
the ruthless policies that the G7, World Bank, NATO and the ONU,
as supranational bodies of capitalism, are controlling and
defining.
The Gulf War has been the clearest and most visible
demonstration of this intensified class rule, and of
imperialism's determination to accept no questions about its
interests and international settlements of power. The 90s are
beginning with the most logical and realistic scenario for
imperialism in this epoch: war and the reports of war that
characterize the today's struggle, and the consequent tragic
results of this barbaric domination over human life.
The might and power of the West hasn't translated into a
"new world order", rather it has translated into a period of
great confusion and upset, of rising conflict and instability.
The ending of the world order established at Yalta is proving to
be more complicated and traumatic than expected. The costs of
the Yalta settlement were the dead of WW II; and what the U.S.-
led imperialist powers are trying to impose will not cost any
less. Let us leave to the reformists and revisionists their
dangerous illusions and lies; we prefer to remember the lessons
of history: history has shown that when a balance of power
collapses, a new war is inevitable and necessary in order to
build up another balance of power. From Versailles to Yalta,
to...
Imperialism is war. War has always been the way by which the
bourgeoisie tries to resolve its crisis, by unloading the cost
of its propagation and reproduction on the proletarian class in a
destructive manner.
Also, today the war cannot be considered to have been
finished with the victory of the western alliance in the Gulf
War, because we have already seen, in this last decade of the
century, a lot of wars breaking out in the various geo-political
areas of the world. War is coming back again even in Europe, with
broad and rising armed conflicts and civil wars occurring,
particularly in the former Yugoslavia and the former USSR.
This scenario, which, tragically, we are seeing daily,
assumes specific characteristics and develops precisely in this
area that is the true nerve center of the entire planet, because
it is crossed by all of the contradictions of this epoch. The
principal and predominant one is between proletariat and
bourgeoisie; the explosion between the North and South of the
world that generates the inter-imperialist economic and political
conflict that already exists and which tends to develop among the
world powers in their dividing up and domination of the world.
The European imperialist bourgeoisie is speeding
up the necessary steps that cannot be given up (even though these
steps are contradictory) to put forward the economic, political
and military integration process of the european states in order
to be a bloc, i.e. a political subject being able to establish
homogenous policies that are binding internally and significantly
to advance on the rest of the world.
"1992" is not to be merely a formal celebration of the birth
of the "European Union", but the moment for the practical
realization of its basic passage as a whole and a turning point
in its fulfilment. Therefore the "European Union" is an
advancement of class rule in the entire continental area and of
its imperialist projection in the other areas of the world,
beginning with the Mediterranean-Middle East, as shown already
with its active involvement in the Gulf war.
Europe wants to take part and does take part as a
protagonist in the "new world order". In Italy it is enough to
remember the actions against the Iraqi people by the "heroes"
Bellini and Cocciolone and their other stooges a year ago; the
air-lifts to get rid of the Albanian refugees and control them in
their own country, from now on little more than a new Italian
protectorate; and the increasing political and military missions
in Yugoslavia, a true backyard of De Michelis and his stooges, or
in far off El Salvador.
Obviously, the aims of "Great Germany", England and France
and the resurrected Spain are not any less, and they can rely on
a considerable legacy of world colonization. "1992" sees the
European states aiming at the conquest and exploitation of
resources and peoples, just like 500 years ago.
The proletarian in Europe and around the world have felt for
a longtime the new quality of the struggle and they have never
stopped their resistance against the capitalist strategies that
are more and more destructive and directed only towards profit.
The proletarian struggles, the liberation and freedom processes,
have to deal with a huge advancem | |
